Vimānas are legendary flying vehicles described in ancient Hindu scriptures and Sanskrit epics, often portrayed as celestial palaces or airborne chariots used by gods, kings, and divine beings. Among the most famous examples is the Pushpaka Vimana, originally created for Kubera, the god of wealth, later taken by the demon king Ravana, and eventually returned to Kubera by Lord Rama. References to vimānas also appear in Jain religious literature.

The Moors were a diverse collection of medieval Muslims—mainly North African Berbers and Arabs—who conquered and governed parts of the Iberian Peninsula (modern-day Spain and Portugal) from the 8th through the 15th centuries. The word “Moor” was a European term used to describe these North African Muslims and was later applied more loosely to dark-skinned peoples. In reality, Moorish society was ethnically varied, including indigenous North Africans, Arabs, and Arabized Iberians, while darker-skinned Black African soldiers also played important roles within their armies.

Wu-Sabat, meaning “The Way of Seven,” is a spiritual and cultural movement based on the teachings of Dr. Malachi Z. York and the Nuwaubian Nation. It emphasizes “Right Knowledge,” also referred to as Factology, over blind belief, and promotes a return to ancient Egyptian and Sabaean heritage.

Key elements include:

Linguistic Heritage: Wu-Sabat is associated with the Nuwaubic language developed by Dr. York. Followers often describe it as preserving a unique or ultimate truth.

The Nuwaubian Calendar: The system follows a distinct Wu-Sabat calendar made up of 19 months, with each month divided into four weeks of five days.

Identity and Ren (Names): The movement highlights the importance of adopting Egyptian names as a way of reconnecting with ancestral history. Names are viewed as spiritually significant and linked to one’s soul (Ba).

The Mossi People

The Mossi (also spelled Mosi) are a Gur ethnic group indigenous to present-day Burkina Faso, primarily concentrated in the Volta River basin. They are the country’s largest ethnic group, representing about 52% of the population—approximately 11 million people. The remaining population is made up of more than 60 ethnic groups, including the Gurunsi, Gurma, Senufo, Lobi, Bobo, Bissa, and Fulani. The Mossi speak Mòoré (also called Mooré).

History and Origins

The Mossi originated in what is now Burkina Faso, though sizeable communities also live in neighboring countries such as Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, Mali, and Togo. In addition to the Mossi population in Burkina Faso, around two million Mossi live in Côte d’Ivoire.

According to oral tradition, the Mossi people trace their ancestry to the union of Yennenga, a warrior princess of the Mamprusi/Dagomba kingdom, and a Mandé hunter named Rialé.

Yennenga was the daughter of Naa Gbewaa, a ruler in what is now northern Ghana. While riding through her father’s kingdom, she became separated from her people and was rescued by Rialé. The two married and had a son, Ouedraogo, who is regarded as the founding ancestor of the Mossi people.

he Mossi established powerful kingdoms beginning around the 11th century. Although some records were written in Ajami script, much of Mossi history has been preserved through oral tradition, making exact dates difficult to determine.

Renowned for their skilled cavalry, the Mossi expanded their territory across much of present-day Burkina Faso and built a strong and stable empire. Their dominance continued until the 19th century, when French colonial expansion halted their growth and eventually brought the Mossi kingdoms under colonial rule.

Colonial Era

French colonization significantly altered Mossi political structures and reduced the authority of the emperor, known as the Mogho Naaba. During the early stages of French invasion, the Mogho Naaba temporarily withdrew to the Mamprusi kingdom, with which the Mossi maintained close ties. In 1896, he accepted French protectorate status.

Despite colonial rule, the Mogho Naaba retained a degree of symbolic and administrative authority. Today, he remains an important traditional leader and is still consulted on significant social and cultural matters.

Mossi soldiers also played a notable role in World War II as part of the French West African forces known as the Tirailleurs Sénégalais.

Social Organization

Mossi society is structured hierarchically, with family and state forming its foundation. It is divided into two major groups:

1. Nakomse (Political Class)

The Nakomse are descendants of the horsemen who conquered the Mossi plateau. They form the ruling and political class. All Mossi kings (Naba) come from this lineage. They use sculptural figures in political ceremonies to legitimize authority.

2. Tengabisi (People of the Earth)

The Tengabisi are descendants of the earlier farming communities who inhabited the land before Mossi conquest. They are regarded as the spiritual custodians of the land. This group includes:

• Saya (smiths)

• Yarse (weavers and merchants)

• Nyonyose (farmers)

Only the Tengabisi—especially the Nyonyose—traditionally use masks in ceremonies, while the Nakomse use carved figures.

The highest authority in Mossi society is the Mogho Naaba, who resides in Ouagadougou, the historical and present-day capital. Below him are nobles (also Nakomse), usually members of his extended family, who govern territories on his behalf.

Family hierarchy is central to Mossi society. Social identity is strongly collective, and lineage is typically traced patrilineally.

Language

The Mossi speak Mooré, a language in the Western Oti-Volta subgroup of the Gur languages, part of the larger Niger–Congo family. It is spoken mainly in Burkina Faso, as well as in parts of Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire.

While regional dialects exist—such as those spoken in Yatenga, Koupela, and Tenkodogo—they are mutually intelligible.

Cultural Values

Mossi cultural identity centers on four core values:

1. Ancestors

Ancestors are believed to inhabit a spiritual realm where they influence the living. They can offer protection or punishment depending on behavior. Entry into the ancestral world is not automatic; ancestors must accept a deceased descendant.

2. Land

Land is sacred and closely tied to ancestry. It is seen not merely as physical territory but as a spiritual bridge connecting the living to their ancestors. This belief gives land profound cultural significance.

3. Family

Family is the foundation of Mossi society. Collectivism is emphasized over individualism, and personal actions reflect on the entire family. Decisions traditionally require consultation with elders. Inheritance is generally patrilineal, though women may inherit in cases where no male heirs exist.

4. Social Hierarchy and Identity

Mossi identity is deeply connected to social grouping and status. Hierarchy exists at all levels—from imperial authority down to the household. Despite internal diversity, shared language and tradition unify the people.

The 1733 slave insurrection on St. John (Danish: Slaveoprøret på Sankt Jan), also called the Slave Uprising of 1733, began on November 23, 1733, on the island of Sankt Jan in the Danish West Indies (now St. John, U.S. Virgin Islands). About 150 enslaved Africans, many from the Akwamu people of present-day Ghana, rose up against plantation owners and overseers.

Led in part by Breffu, an enslaved woman from Ghana, the rebellion lasted for months—continuing into August 1734—making it one of the earliest and longest sustained slave revolts in the Americas. The insurgents seized the fort at Coral Bay and gained control over most of the island. Rather than destroying plantations, they aimed to take over the estates and continue crop production under their own authority.

By late May 1734, planters regained control after the rebels were defeated by several hundred French and Swiss troops sent from Martinique in April. After the main fighting ended, local militia forces continued hunting down rebels who had fled into the hills as maroons. Officials declared the uprising fully suppressed in late August 1734.

Background

The Danish slave system on St. John

Denmark claimed St. John in 1718 to develop plantations producing sugar, indigo, and cotton. Labor shortages among European settlers made enslaved African labor central to the economy. By mid-1733, the island held more than 1,000 enslaved Africans, far outnumbering the European population. Many plantations were owned by absentee landlords living on St. Thomas, leaving overseers in charge—conditions that often intensified cruelty.

The Akwamu and forced migration

Denmark’s slave trade expanded along the West African coast near Accra, where the Akwamu had once been a dominant regional power. After political upheaval and defeat in the early 1700s, many Akwamu captives were sold into slavery and transported to plantations in the Danish West Indies, including St. John.

Drought, marooning, and harsh laws

In 1733, environmental hardship—drought, storms, and crop failure—pushed many enslaved people to flee plantations and form maroon communities in the island’s interior. Colonial authorities responded with the Slave Code of 1733, imposing severe punishments meant to prevent escape and rebellion.

The Revolt

November 23, 1733: The outbreak

The uprising began at plantations in the Coral Bay region. Rebels gained entry to the fort under routine pretenses, concealed weapons, and killed most of the soldiers stationed there. Cannon shots from the fort signaled the wider revolt, and rebels quickly expanded control across nearby estates. They moved across the island, targeting settlements while largely avoiding the widespread destruction of property—consistent with their plan to rule and maintain production.

Resistance and flight

Some planters and loyal enslaved people resisted at certain estates, allowing groups of Europeans to escape by boat to St. Thomas. As the rebellion spread, many survivors fled the island.

Suppression and Aftermath

Danish officials requested military assistance from French authorities in Martinique. French ships arrived on April 23, 1734, bringing several hundred troops whose superior arms and numbers broke rebel control. By May 27, plantation rule had been restored. The final phase was a prolonged manhunt for remaining maroons, ending with the capture of the last holdouts and an official declaration on August 25, 1734, that the rebellion was over.

The uprising caused significant loss of life and disrupted the plantation economy. In its wake, some landowners relocated to St. Croix, newly acquired by Denmark in 1733, accelerating development there.

“Freedom” in the century that followed

In the years after the revolt, some individuals gained freedom through exceptional circumstances. One notable example was Franz Claasen, described as a “loyal slave,” who received a land deed in 1738, becoming the first recorded “Free Colored” landowner on St. John.

Denmark-Norway ended the transatlantic slave trade to its Caribbean colonies on January 1, 1803, but slavery continued. Enslaved people sometimes escaped to nearby British islands such as Tortola, where British authorities offered refuge. Pressure for abolition grew through petitions and resistance.

On July 3, 1848, enslaved Afro-Caribbeans on St. Croix staged a mass, nonviolent demonstration demanding freedom. Governor-General Peter von Scholten declared emancipation across the Danish West Indies—114 years after the St. John insurrection.

In modern times, remembrance efforts continue. For example, the Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2023 directed the placement of a commemorative plaque at Ram Head Peak, recognizing the history and legacy of the rebellion.

The Arawak are a group of Indigenous peoples of northern South America and the Caribbean. The term has historically been applied to several related groups, including the Lokono of mainland South America and the Taíno (sometimes called Island Arawaks), who lived throughout the Greater Antilles and parts of the Lesser Antilles. All of these groups spoke related languages belonging to the Arawakan language family.

Name and Classification

Early Spanish explorers used the terms Arawak and Carib to distinguish Caribbean peoples. Groups they considered friendly were labeled “Arawak,” while those viewed as hostile were called “Carib.”

In 1871, ethnologist Daniel Garrison Brinton suggested the term “Island Arawak” for the Caribbean population because of linguistic and cultural similarities with mainland Arawaks. Over time, scholars shortened this to “Arawak,” which created confusion between mainland and island groups.

In the 20th century, archaeologist Irving Rouse reintroduced the name Taíno to distinguish the Caribbean culture more clearly from mainland Arawakan peoples.

Origins and Expansion

The Arawakan languages likely originated in the Orinoco River valley (in present-day Venezuela) and later spread widely across South America, becoming the largest language family in the Americas at the time of European contact.

The group known as the Lokono settled coastal regions of what is now Guyana, Suriname, and parts of the Caribbean. Archaeological research, including work by Michael Heckenberger, has revealed complex societies with ringed villages, raised agricultural fields, large earthworks, and extensive trade networks.

Their primary crops included maize, cassava, and sweet potatoes. They also practiced fishing with nets, hooks, and harpoons, and produced intricate pottery. These findings demonstrate that Arawakan societies were highly organized and agriculturally advanced.

The Rise of the Taíno in the Caribbean

At some point, Arawakan-speaking peoples migrated into the Caribbean, giving rise to the Taíno culture. Scholars debate their origins, with some proposing a South American Amazonian source and others suggesting connections to northern South America and Colombia.

The Taíno were among the first Indigenous peoples encountered by Europeans when Christopher Columbus arrived in 1492. On his first voyage, Columbus established La Navidad, the first Spanish settlement in the Americas.

Initial relations deteriorated quickly. Warfare, forced labor, disease, and colonization devastated Taíno populations. By the early 1500s, Spanish control had been firmly established on Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, and the Indigenous population declined dramatically.

Survival and Resistance

Although many Arawak peoples of the Antilles were killed, enslaved, or assimilated, mainland Arawakan groups such as the Lokono resisted colonization for a longer period. Some even formed alliances with European powers in conflicts against rival Indigenous groups.

Despite population decline due to disease and displacement, Lokono communities have survived into the modern era and have experienced population growth in recent decades.

The Garifuna people are descendants of Island Carib, Arawak, and free Africans who intermarried on the island of Saint Vincent. They speak Garifuna, an Arawakan language.

After British deportation in the 18th century, many Garifuna were relocated to Central America. Today, Garifuna communities are found in Honduras, Belize, Guatemala, the United States, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines.

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Lokono Today

Approximately 10,000 Lokono people live primarily in Guyana, with smaller populations in Suriname, Venezuela, and French Guiana. Efforts are underway to preserve the Lokono language, which is considered critically endangered.

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Taíno Revival

Although colonial records once claimed the Taíno had gone extinct, many Caribbean communities retained Indigenous ancestry, culture, and traditions—sometimes secretly, sometimes blended with Catholic practices.

Modern DNA research has confirmed Indigenous ancestry in many Caribbean populations. Since the late 20th century, there has been a growing Taíno cultural revival movement, leading to the reestablishment of Yukayekes (Taíno tribal communities) in Puerto Rico, Cuba, and Jamaica. Some groups are also working to reconstruct and revive the Taíno language using surviving vocabulary and related Arawakan languages.

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Legacy

The Arawak and their descendants—Lokono, Taíno, and Garifuna—represent one of the largest and most influential Indigenous language families in the Americas before European contact. Despite colonization, disease, and displacement, their cultural influence survives in Caribbean languages, music, religion, agriculture, and identity today.

Near Oraibi, Arizona, a petroglyph known as Prophecy Rock embodies key elements of Hopi prophecy. Its imagery is understood in the following way:

The large human figure on the left represents the Great Spirit. The bow in his left hand signifies his instruction to the Hopi to lay down their weapons. Beside him, a vertical line marks a timeline measured in thousands of years; the point where the Great Spirit touches the line indicates the time of his return.

From the life path established by the Great Spirit, two roads emerge. The lower, narrow path symbolizes a life lived in harmony with nature. The wider upper road represents the path of modern scientific and technological achievement. The bar separating the two paths—positioned above a cross—marks the arrival of Europeans, and the cross itself signifies Christianity. Beneath it, a circle represents the enduring Path of Life.

Four small human figures appear along the upper road. On one level, they represent the three previous worlds and the present world. On another, they suggest that some Hopi people will be drawn onto the white man’s path, enticed by its allure.

Two circles along the lower Path of Life symbolize the “great shaking of the earth,” commonly interpreted as the two World Wars.

Within the sun appear a swastika and a Celtic cross, understood as symbols of the two helpers of Pahana, the True White Brother.

A short line branching back toward the straight Path of Life represents humanity’s final opportunity to return to living in balance with nature before the upper road ultimately collapses. Above the Path of Life, a small circle signifies the Great Purification, after which abundance will return and corn will once again grow freely when the Great Spirit comes back. The Path of Life, in this vision, continues without end.

In the lower right corner, the Hopi shield symbolizes the Earth and the Four Corners region where the Hopi people reside. The arms of the cross also reflect the four directions in which the Hopi migrated, following the guidance of the Great Spirit.

The dots within the petroglyph represent both the four colors of Hopi corn and the four racial colors of humankind.

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The Mound Builders were groups of Native American cultures—most notably the Adena, Hopewell, and Mississippian societies—who constructed vast numbers of earthen mounds across the Midwest and Southeastern United States from about 3500 BCE until the 1500s CE. These impressive earthworks functioned as burial grounds, ceremonial centers, and foundations for important structures, reflecting sophisticated planning, social organization, and engineering skill.

Major Mound-Building Cultures

Adena Culture (1000 BCE – 1 CE):
Centered mainly in the Ohio Valley, the Adena people are recognized for some of the earliest conical burial mounds and circular ceremonial earthworks often referred to as “sacred circles.”

Hopewell Culture (200 BCE – 500 CE):
Building upon earlier traditions, the Hopewell created expansive geometric earthworks and effigy mounds shaped like animals. A well-known example is Serpent Mound in Ohio, believed to have ceremonial and astronomical significance.

Mississippian Culture (800 CE – 1600 CE):
The Mississippians developed large urban centers featuring massive, flat-topped platform mounds used for temples, elite residences, and public ceremonies. The largest site, Cahokia Mounds in present-day Illinois, stands as one of the most significant pre-Columbian cities north of Mexico and is now recognized as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Purpose and Importance

The mounds served multiple roles. Many were burial sites for important community members, while others elevated temples or leaders’ homes above surrounding settlements. Construction required transporting enormous amounts of soil—often millions of cubic feet—by hand, typically using woven baskets. These sites stretched from the Great Lakes region to the Gulf of Mexico, with especially dense concentrations along the Ohio and Mississippi River valleys.

Historical Misunderstandings

When European settlers first encountered these monumental earthworks, many doubted that Native American societies could have built them. This disbelief led to myths about a mysterious, vanished “race” of mound builders. However, systematic studies in the 19th century, including research conducted by the Smithsonian Institution, demonstrated conclusively that the mounds were constructed by the ancestors of contemporary Native American tribes. Today, these earthworks are recognized as powerful evidence of the rich cultural and technological achievements of Indigenous peoples in North America.

Saint Thomas in the U.S. Virgin Islands is named after the biblical figure Saint Thomas the Apostle, one of the Twelve Apostles of Jesus. Located in the Caribbean Sea, the island is part of the U.S. Virgin Islands and is known for its mountainous landscape, vibrant harbor, and rich colonial history.

The island was sighted by Christopher Columbus during his second voyage in 1493. Today, it is a major Caribbean destination, celebrated for its capital city, Charlotte Amalie, as well as its role as a hub for tourism, cruise ships, shipping, and duty-free shopping.

Historical and Cultural Background

Biblical Namesake:
Saint Thomas Island is named in honor of Saint Thomas the Apostle, connecting the island’s identity to Christian tradition.

Alternative Naming History:
Some historical accounts suggest that Columbus may have initially referred to the island as “Santa Ana,” honoring Saint Anne, the mother of the Virgin Mary, before later names became established.

Colonial Influence:
The island was once a Danish colony before becoming part of the United States in 1917. Its Danish heritage is still visible in architecture, street names, and cultural influences.

Another Saint Thomas:
A separate, much smaller St. Thomas Island exists in the Black Sea, sometimes called Snake Island, which was named after a chapel dedicated to the saint.

Saint Thomas in the Caribbean remains one of the most recognized islands in the region—blending biblical heritage, colonial history, and modern tourism into a unique cultural landscape.

Saint Thomas, also called Didymus (meaning “the twin”), was one of the twelve apostles of Jesus Christ, mentioned in the New Testament (John 11:16). He is most widely known as “Doubting Thomas” because he initially questioned the resurrection of Jesus, refusing to believe until he saw and touched Christ’s wounds. After encountering the risen Lord, Thomas made one of the most powerful declarations of faith in Scripture: “My Lord and my God.”

Key Biblical Insights About Saint Thomas

Name Meaning:
The name Thomas comes from the Aramaic word Teʾoma, and Didymus is the Greek equivalent—both meaning “twin.”

Biblical Context:
Although Thomas is listed among the apostles in the Synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark, and Luke), he is especially highlighted in the Gospel of John. There, he appears as a loyal yet inquisitive disciple—courageous enough to suggest going with Jesus to Bethany despite danger, and honest enough to ask questions when he did not understand.

Faith Journey:
Thomas’ doubt was not rebellion but a desire for certainty. His transformation from skepticism to bold confession reveals a journey from questioning to unwavering belief.

Role and Mission:
After Pentecost, Christian tradition holds that Thomas carried the Gospel beyond the Roman Empire, traveling as far as India to preach and establish churches.

Legacy:
Saint Thomas is remembered as the patron saint of architects, builders, and theologians. His feast day is celebrated on July 3rd.

The name “Thomas” is therefore deeply rooted in biblical history, representing a disciple who sought proof, encountered truth, and ultimately proclaimed profound faith—moving from doubt to devotion in a way that continues to inspire believers today.

The Druze (/druːz/ DROOZ; Arabic: دَرْزِيّ, darzī or دُرْزِيّ durzī, pl. دُرُوز, durūz), who call themselves al-Muwaḥḥidūn (lit. 'the monotheists' or 'the unitarians'), are an Arab esoteric religious group from West Asia who adhere to the Druze faith, an Abrahamic, monotheistic, and syncretic religion whose main tenets assert the unity of God, reincarnation, and the eternity of the soul.

Although the Druze faith developed from Isma'ilism, Druze do not identify as Muslims. They maintain the Arabic language and culture as integral parts of their identity, with Arabic being their primary language. Most Druze religious practices are kept secret, and conversion to their religion is not permitted for outsiders. Interfaith marriages are rare and strongly discouraged. They differentiate between spiritual individuals, known as "uqqāl", who hold the faith's secrets, and secular ones, known as "juhhāl", who focus on worldly matters. Druze believe that, after completing the cycle of rebirth through successive reincarnations, the soul reunites with the Cosmic Mind.

The Epistles of Wisdom is the foundational and central text of the Druze faith. The Druze faith originated in Isma'ilism (a branch of Shia Islam), and has been influenced by a diverse range of traditions, including Christianity, Gnosticism, Neoplatonism, Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism, Pythagoreanism. This has led to the development of a distinct and secretive theology, characterized by an esoteric interpretation of scripture that emphasizes the importance of the mind and truthfulness. Druze beliefs include the concepts of theophany and reincarnation.

The Druze faith is one of the major religious groups in the Levant, with between 800,000 and a million adherents. They are primarily located in Lebanon, Syria, and Israel, with smaller communities in Jordan. They make up 5.5% of Lebanon's population, 3% of Syria's and 1.6% of Israel's. The oldest and most densely populated Druze communities exist in Mount Lebanon and in the south of Syria around Jabal al-Druze (literally the "Mountain of the Druze"). The Druze community played a critically important role in shaping the history of the Levant, where it continues to play a significant political role. As a religious minority, they have often faced persecution from various Muslim regimes, including contemporary Islamic extremism.

Several theories about the origins of the Druze have been proposed, with the Arabian hypothesis being the most widely accepted among historians, intellectuals, and religious leaders within the Druze community. This hypothesis significantly influences the Druze's self-perception, cultural identity, and both oral and written traditions. It suggests that the Druze are descended from 12 Arab tribes that migrated to Syria before and during the early Islamic period. This perspective is accepted by the entire Druze communities in Syria and Lebanon, as well as by most Druze in Israel.

The name Druze is derived from the name of Muhammad bin Ismail Nashtakin ad-Darazī (from Persian darzi, "seamster") who was an early preacher. Although the Druze consider ad-Darazī a heretic, the name has been used to identify them, possibly by their historical opponents as a way to attach their community with ad-Darazi's poor reputation.

Before becoming public, the movement was secretive and held closed meetings in what was known as Sessions of Wisdom. During this stage a dispute occurred between ad-Darazi and Hamza bin Ali mainly concerning ad-Darazi's ghuluww ("exaggeration"), which refers to the belief that God was incarnated in human beings to ad-Darazi naming himself "The Sword of the Faith", which led Hamza to write an epistle refuting the need for the sword to spread the faith and several epistles refuting the beliefs of the ghulat.

In 1016 ad-Darazi and his followers openly proclaimed their beliefs and called people to join them, causing riots in Cairo against the Unitarian movement including Hamza bin Ali and his followers. This led to the suspension of the movement for one year and the expulsion of ad-Darazi and his supporters.

Although the Druze religious books describe ad-Darazi as the "insolent one" and as the "calf" who is narrow-minded and hasty, the name "Druze" is still used for identification and for historical reasons. In 1018, ad-Darazi was assassinated for his teachings; some sources claim that he was executed by Al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah.

Some authorities see in the name "Druze" a descriptive epithet, derived from Arabic dārisah ("she who studies"). Others have speculated that the word comes from the Persian word Darazo (درز "bliss") or from Shaykh Hussayn ad-Darazī, who was one of the early converts to the faith. In the early stages of the movement, the word "Druze" is rarely mentioned by historians, and in Druze religious texts only the word Muwaḥḥidūn ("Unitarian") appears. 

The only early Arab historian who mentions the Druze is the eleventh century Christian scholar Yahya of Antioch, who clearly refers to the heretical group created by ad-Darazī, rather than the followers of Hamza ibn 'Alī. As for Western sources, Benjamin of Tudela, the Jewish traveler who passed through Lebanon in or around 1165, was one of the first European writers to refer to the Druze by name. 

The word Dogziyin ("Druzes") occurs in an early Hebrew edition of his travels, but it is clear that this is a scribal error. Be that as it may, he described the Druze as "mountain dwellers, monotheists, who believe in 'soul eternity' and reincarnation". He also stated that "they loved the Jews"

The number of Druze people worldwide is between 800,000 and one million, with the vast majority residing in the Levant. The primary countries with Druze populations are Syria, Lebanon, Israel and Jordan.